London play highlights Chagossians’ plight

MRG interns John Lubbock and Sofia Nazalya found A Few Man Fridays at the Hammersmith Riverside Studios in London to be more than just a theatrical performance. The three-hour-long play represented a formidable campaign for the rights of the Chagossians, whose story is still not widely known.

Adrian Jackson’s play serves in part to address this lack of awareness of the people of Diego Garcia, a small island in the Chagos Archipelago, in the British Indian Ocean Territory, and epic struggle following expulsion from the island to make way for a US military base. The continued refusal of the UK to allow the Chagossians to return has seen the case taken to the High Court in London all the way to the European Court of Human Rights.

The play follows Prosper, a Chagossian searching for the identity of his mother and encountering the history of his people who he has become separated from. His attempt to put together the pieces of the past and find his mother provides a sympathetic personal prism through which to understand the Chagossians’ quest to return to their motherland.

Even at three hours, the play never became monotonous or dull, and actively encouraged the audience to take action to bring attention to the cause. The following is an exchange of thoughts between us on the event.

JL: The first thing that came to my mind was the African proverb which Marwan Bishara had previously used to describe the Arab Spring; ‘when elephants fight, the grass gets crushed, and when elephants make love, the grass still gets crushed’. Diego Garcia is a great example of two states conspiring together for mutual benefit while completely ignoring the fundamental rights of a group of people who they probably considered too small to do anything about it. In the end however, I felt that it was quite a hopeful story, because it shows that even though they are a tiny group of people, they can do something about it, and even though it’s taken 40 years, they might win and be allowed to return.

Chagos islanders demonstrate after law lords verdict

SN: Still it’s rather astounding to know that it’s been 40 years and their story is still quite unknown. I read a review of the play last week that started off highlighting this – most people, including the reviewer, had no idea who the Chagossians are, or much less where the Chagos Islands are.

JL: I imagine that probably more people have heard of Diego Garcia as a result of its use in extraordinary rendition flights and possible torture by the US military. The lack of awareness on colonial history is something I have been thinking about since I left school; at some point I realised I had studied all this history, but the story I was given was ‘in 1066 England began when we were invaded by French Vikings, then we had a couple of civil wars, invented democracy and then nothing happened for a few hundred years until the First World War began’. It’s a transparently colonial narrative of history with all the unflattering parts edited out. I think we should be made to learn about colonial history in school. I know you studied it in Singapore.

SN: Yeah, I’m not saying education in Singapore was informative at all on human rights issues, but there definitely was that consciousness of colonial history, not only of Singapore but the region. I thought ultimately the play did a great job of raising how serious the problem is, how it’s connected to people living in the UK and just how things that seem far removed from us really aren’t at all. Ultimately it’s a real eye opener, and I know it definitely moved a lot of people in the audience, and the post play Q&A discussion with the panellists answered a lot of questions to do with the legal proceedings and where the case is at currently.

JL: I was shocked by a few things raised by the play and the discussion. In the play, I was shocked by the fact that when the US effectively bought Diego Garcia, they asked for it to be ‘wiped clean’ and ‘sanitised’. They could have re-employed the people on the island and allowed them to continue their way of life to some extent, as they had been previously employed by the coconut processing company there before. And as mentioned in the Q&A discussion, even though the UK government acknowledges that they abused the rights of Chagossians, they are still trying to fight them in the courts to keep them from returning.

SN: I think the denial of their right of return can be blamed on lack of political will. Even though the UN Declaration on Indigenous Peoples is a relatively new progression, I think the fact that it exists shows how far we’ve come in terms of awareness of the need to respect and promote the rights of minorities and indigenous peoples. The fact that the expulsion happened 40 years ago shows the readiness at that point in time to exploit a situation where a group had weak legal protection and little recourse to justice.

JL: Definitely. That’s shown by the fact that the UK denied them the same rights enjoyed by citizens of other territories which were colonial possessions: the right for second and third generations to attain British citizenship even though they won that right in 2002.

SN: Yes, and the argument now seems to concentrate on things that really just seem to miss the whole point – for instance how marine conservation and the presence of the US air base are used as justifications to deny Chagossians the right of return. The situation is certainly complicated, but in the end it doesn’t approach it from a human rights viewpoint: that ultimately, the base that exists (which was the cause of their expulsion and violation of rights) is not a reason to fail to address the Chagossian cause. And the justification of protecting marine biodiversity is a mere greenwashing of the situation.

JL: David Snoxall, the Coordinator of the Chagos Islands All-Party Parliamentary Group, said that if the European Court decides the case is admissible, it is likely that the UK will have to let them return. The fact that they aren’t asking to go back to Diego Garcia but some outlying islands 140 miles away means they can’t possibly be a security concern, so you do wonder what could possibly be the reason for the UK continuing to obstruct the right of return. The UK could save itself a lot of trouble and money by facilitating their return, and also try to right a historic wrong which it created in the first place.

SN: Yes, and MRG has supported the Chagossians’ cause including submitting a shadow report with respect to the Sixth Periodic Report of the UK to the UN Human Rights Committee.

JL: That they were never consulted about their eviction is significant to note. They weren’t told they were going to be deported until shortly before it happened, they were intimidated in order to make them leave, tricked into leaving the island and not allowed to return. Even in the feasibility studies about the right of return in 2002 they were never asked what they wanted. That lack of dialogue shows there is still a serious problem with how the UK treats minorities.

SN: Definitely. I also felt that the use of different media techniques in the play was highly effective. The oral and video recordings of Chagossians, some of whom have recently passed away, the occasionally surreal scenes, the double narrative of the protagonist Prosper and his struggle, and the dramatisation of the past – they all culminated in a moving and cohesive artistic portrayal of reality.

JL: Yeah, I think the play served to give them a voice, to try to make them visible rather than just mute colonial servants like Man Friday who Robinson Crusoe has to teach to speak.

SN: Yeah I liked the part in the beginning when one of the actors talks about their language, and how Chagossian Creole isn’t a Pidgin or a colonial language but a language of freedom, a language that was born out of years of survival and struggle.

JL: The play does a great job of illuminating their culture and affecting sympathy for such a unique group of people, who have suffered such an injustice. It’s impossible not to sympathise with so basic a desire as wanting to return home.

While some may express ‘doubt that justice can now ever be done ‘ for the Chagossians, we think that change is partially up to us. You can be part of this change by signing this petition for the US Government to redress wrongs against Chagossians. Twenty-five thousand signatures are needed by 4 April 2012.

Corporate irresponsibility in the Niger Delta

Natasha Horsfield, MRG’s Research/Publications Intern, sees the case brought against oil giant Shell by Nigeria’s Ogoni people as a reflection of wider corporate abuse of minority and indigenous rights around the globe.

On 28th February 2012, the US Supreme Court will rehear a landmark case brought against Royal Dutch Shell by 12 members of the Ogoni minority community of the Niger Delta, in which the Ogoni allege that Shell was complicit in serious human rights abuses committed against them by the Nigerian military regime in the early 1990’s. This case will determine whether corporations can be sued and held legally accountable for their complicity in human rights abuses, and if successful, will have important implications for the future of corporate accountability in the field of human rights.

The Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum Co. case runs in companion to another case brought against the company by the Ogoni community in the name of prominent Ogoni activist and founder of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), Ken Saro-Wiwa, and his 8 companions, for Shell’s alleged complicity in their extrajudicial murders in 1995 by the same regime. Shell, whilst denying any complicity, settled the case in 2009 with a ‘humanitarian gesture’ of US$ 15.5 million. Shell has also been named in several other law suits relating to the impact of the company’s extractive activities on the rights of minority and indigenous communities, including the Tar Sands project in Canada, termed a ‘slow industrial genocide’ by the first nation communities affected.

Site of the first oil well in the Niger Delta, drilled by Shell in 1956. Credit: Rhys Thom.

The Ogoni people are no stranger to run-ins with this oil giant. In addition to the company’s connection to the abuses suffered by the Ogoni at the hands of the former military regime, the ongoing pollution in Ogoniland caused by Shell’s oil extraction activities have had disastrous impacts on the environment and health of the Ogoni for decades.

In August 2011, the UN Environment Programme (UNEP) released a report on the effects of oil pollution in Ogoniland in the Niger Delta, home to the Ogoni people. The report concluded that Shell had consistently failed to clean up oil pollution effectively in the area, severely affecting the health and livelihoods of the Ogoni people. At the same time last year, Shell admitted liability in a court case for two major oil spills which occurred near the Delta town of Bodo, Ogoniland in 2008, and which have since destroyed the livelihoods of many locals. UNEP also reported that the scale of pollution in Ogoniland is so extensive that it will take at least a quarter of a century to reverse its effects, and consequently recommended the creation by the Nigerian government of an Environmental Restoration Fund of US$ 1 Billion to begin the clean up process.

Oil pollution in the Niger Delta has destroyed the livelihoods of minority groups across the oil-rich region. Credit: Sosialistisk Ungdom - SU

The Ogoni people have been opposed to the devastation which the oil industry has brought to their land and livelihoods for decades, and in 1993 Shell was expelled from Ogoniland following protests by Ogoni communities over the disastrous impact which oil extraction had on their land. Although Shell has not directly extracted oil from Ogoniland since the expulsion, its infrastructure remains and continues to be used to transport oil across Ogoniland, resulting in the continued suffering for the Ogoni people.

The level of oil pollution in Ogoniland and the resulting rights violations inflicted on the Ogoni people is also synonymous with the situation faced by the various minority groups across the oil-rich Niger Delta. In an area where over 60 per cent of the population relies on the environment for its livelihood, oil pollution has continued to destroy the means of survival of individuals and minority communities for many years.

However, despite Shell’s acceptance of liability and the findings of the UNEP report, the people of Bodo and wider Ogoniland are still awaiting the clean-up of oil pollution, or indeed the funding necessary for it to begin. Although the Nigerian government should not escape blame for its failure to regulate Shell’s activities in the area and protect the rights of the Ogoni people, Shell must bear a large portion of responsibility for its failure to prevent and respond satisfactorily to oil pollution, and is thus facing demands spearheaded by Amnesty International that it pay the full US$ 1 Billion needed to establish the clean-up fund.

The suffering the Ogoni people have experienced as a result of Shell’s interests and activities in their oil-rich land highlights the battle which many minority communities and indigenous people are currently facing with extractive industries around the world. As MRG’s 2012 annual report State of the World’s Minorities and Indigenous Peoples will report later this year, minorities and indigenous peoples on every continent are having their rights violated or their way of life destroyed at the hands of rapacious companies, often working in cahoots with the state. In many instances, both seek to profit from natural resource extraction but all too often escape accountability for their activities, which damage the lives of some of the most marginalised communities. In recognition of this, the theme of MRG’s 2012 publication will be natural resources with a focus on the role of extractive industries in human rights abuses.

It waits to be seen if Shell will answer international calls to fund the cleanup of the damage it has caused in Ogoniland and if the company is held accountable for the violations it has inflicted on the Ogoni people. If this is the case, then the implications this could have on corporate responsibility to respect the rights of minorities and indigenous peoples around the world who are adversely affected by extractive industries will be ever more pertinent.

What’s in store for Egypt?

MRG’s Communications Intern Sofia Nazalya attended a panel discussion marking the first anniversary of the Egypt uprising and found some interesting perspectives and a decidedly mixed, but healthy, atmosphere of scepticism and hope for the future.

What is the pulse of the Arab revolt? Where is the revolution in Egypt headed and why did it happen in the first place? These were the themes of ’The Pulse of the Arab Revolt’, an event hosted by the Institute of Development Studies (IDS) to mark the launch of their new publication of the same name, and indeed to commemorate the first anniversary of 25 January, a day that Egyptians the world over will not soon forget.

Since the results of the Egyptian election that saw the Muslim Brotherhood’s Freedom and Justice Party capturing 47% of the seats, and the Salafist Al-Nour party taking 25%, much has been said in the media regarding the ‘rise of Islamism’ in Egypt, ranging from a cautious yet anxious wait-and-see approach, to a categorical rejection of Islamists across the board. There are those who argue that the latter approach oversimplifies the more moderate Muslim Brotherhood, and risks spurring the more extreme.

Egyptian Copts praying at Tahrir Square. Credit: Wikimedia

In my last blog on the Amazigh in Libya I wrote about the importance of protecting indigenous rights in Libya and the danger a hyper-nationalist state would pose to these rights. Is Egypt heading towards hyper-nationalism? Mariz Tadros, one of the panellists at the event and a Research Fellow at IDS, reflected on this question. She noted that there were instances where both the Army and the Islamists have accused Copts of being ‘divisive’ forces and those who champion women’s rights as ‘agents of Western imperialism’. Even though Egypt’s revolt began with calls for social justice, Tadros notes that the current framework for social justice still excluded certain elements of society – notably women and the minority Copts.

And indeed this exclusion has meant the ongoing repression of the Copts. Copts have had a turbulent history within Egypt, having faced discrimination for decades. Just a month before the fall of the Mubarak regime, 21 people were killed and 70 injured in a suspected suicide bombing during a New Year’s Eve church service in Alexandria.

But while there is now a freedom from fear in the region, as noted by Ramy Aly, a panellist and a Research Fellow in the School of Global Studies, the same cannot be said for the Copts. The death of 27 protestors, mostly Copts, during the Maspero demonstrations in October 2011 against the demolition of a church, spelled a new wave of fear for the minority community. It must be noted however that it was the Army that inflicted the violence in this instance.

Maspero demonstrations in October 2011, which led to the death of 27 protestors, mostly Copts. Credit: Gigi Ibrahim

How do we understand this situation of intolerance and violence coming from both secular and religious forces? Aly points to an embedded culture of militarism as the underlying problem. He argues that the removal of Mubarak has not removed the laws and social norms that have existed in Egypt for years, with the reality on the ground seeing the extension of war-based values, practices and ideologies. Any mention of minority rights is seen through the prism of ’national security’, as though by ensuring the victory of minorities and the empowerment of women, the revolution would ultimately fail.

One common thread ran through all the panellists’ arguments: Even though the dictator has been wrestled out of power, policy has yet to change. Without legislative development Aly argues, a vacuum of rights and freedoms will continue to exist. So what now is the shape of things to come for minority rights? The answer depends on several things, not least how one construes the term ‘Islamists’ – in itself perhaps a counterproductive term since it makes little attempt to recognize the many differences between the various camps.

With the  Muslim Brotherhood gaining such strong support amongst Egyptian voters, they have the mammoth task of doing Egypt’s revolution justice. Tadros argued that the Muslim Brotherhood may be forced to open their terms of social justice, being the majority party in Parliament. Aly points to the current move away from militarism, best demonstrated with united calls for the end of military rule, as a reason for hope for the protection of rights and freedoms. Maha Abdel Rahman, another panellist and professor at Cambridge University, observed that the past year had seen high levels of politicization amongst the Egyptian people, the foundation for a people-powered democracy.

This perhaps is the new framework for Egypt, away from the out-dated model of entrenched elitism. Whatever one’s opinion is of the Muslim Brotherhood, the reality is that the question of minority rights will be a litmus test to prove that they are capable of leading a true democracy.

Enough is enough. Hate speech and discriminatory policies lead to harassment.

MRG Communications intern Claudia Santoro gets hot under the collar about the violent consequences of stereotyping of Italy’s Roma.

In my previous blog posts I have argued that hate speech in the media and politics is both unfair and exposes the weakness of many democracies. It should also be seen however as an alarm bell; a spark that can trigger a dangerous cycle of violence. Even so, I was shocked to learn that, following a 16 year old girl’s declaration that she was raped by two Roma men(an accusation which subsequently turned out to be false) a group of hooded men set fire to a Traveller camp near Turin.

A camp resident the day after the attack. Credit: REPUBBLICA.

According to reports, after the girl’s claim hundreds of residents of the suburb near Turin where she lives took to the streets to take part in an “anti-Roma demonstration”. A group of the demonstrators later split from the main protest and marched towards a nearby Traveller camp. After driving away the only resident who was in the camp at the time, they destroyed houses, cars, and caravans. Only when the girl admitted she had in fact not been raped but had had sexual relations with a friend and wished to hide it from her family, were the police and her brother able to stop the violence.

This tragic story not only illustrates the dangers of stereotyping certain members of society, but also exposes the harsh conditions faced by Roma communities in Italy and highlights the fact that policy for the integration of minorities has not been effective in the country.

Furthermore, it shows how biased rhetoric about Roma has a deep effect on the public perception of this maligned community. This unacceptable event is the result of discriminatory policies, expressed earlier this year by a series of evictions, and a widespread anti-Roma discourse in Italy, often multiplied in its effect by the media.

Even if just a small group of people are responsible for this attack, it clearly confirms that the Roma minority is seen as a danger by a certain part of the population.

Maybe if both government and local authorities made more responsible and effective decisions rather than just evicting Roma from their camps, people would be less worried about so-called outsiders. And perhaps if the media stopped blaming minorities for the economic crisis and for the lack of security there would also be fewer incidents. What is sure is that racism should never be allowed to raise its head in such an ugly way.

God does not discriminate

Arun Storrs is the consultant for MRG’s Street Theatre Project who recently travelled to Botswana to monitor and develop the programme. Arun runs a non-profit organization called The Kumari Project, which provides support services to orphans from the orphanage where she was adopted in Nepal. She is also currently acting in film and theatre and directs, choreographs and performs her original work.

We gather, the actors, Mpho, the Director, Vanessa, the Project Officer and I, in the parking lot outside our hotel bungalows. The actors are changing into their costumes – bright colored shirts and black slacks, snacking on take-out from nearby fast food joints, and taking turns dancing and singing along with the music blaring from a portable speaker while they load up the car with props – a giant trash can, metal poles, a black curtain that hides the backstage, and tins of colored paint.

We pile into a large white van and another car for the spillover. We arrive at Molepolole Community Hall, a church about 45 minutes outside of the capital Gaborone, as the service is ending. The actors start to load the set and props as the church band clears its instruments from the narrow stage.

The stage is set; a black curtain with all the names of all the individual tribes in Botswana covers the background. The protagonist, a young woman named Induana, squats downstage center by a large trashcan. The rest of the cast enters singing and dancing to pull down the names of each of the tribes and throw them into the trashcan. They leave only the names of the eight indigenous tribes that are recognised by the government.

The play then flashes to a village celebrating a birth. It is Induana. She is a child. The play’s action stops, and Mpho enters the stage to ask what advice the audience would give to Induana to be successful in life. Audience members raise their hands, men and women, although more men than women usually, and advise her to work hard, study hard, and do well in school.

The play continues, and as Induana is playing jump rope with two friends, she makes a mistake and trips on the rope. Her friends immediately begin to yell racial slurs at her. At this point, Mpho returns to the stage and engages the audience members who spoke before to ask further advice on what Induana should do in this situation. In doing this, he exposes the assumptions people made earlier about Induana (that she was a majority member and would not have to deal with racism growing up) and asks the audience to step into her shoes and face the ugliness of prejudice.

He not only engages the audience members one-on-one, but also opens it up to a show of hands, asking, ‘Who has experienced or witnessed something like this before’” About two-thirds of the audience raises their hands. And following up with, ‘If you saw something like this happen in the future, would you intervene?’ Almost the entire congregation raises their hands.

Again the play resumes, and Induana is surrounded by the company of actors, who continue to assault her with racial slurs and then begin to cover her with paint. She is left by herself on the stage, trembling and crying. The members of the company re-enter, asking forgiveness, having seen the error of their ways, and bathe her, washing away the hate they have inflicted upon her. The play concludes as the cast parades Induana around the stage, as she declares her pride in herself and her ethnicity, the audience singing and dancing in their seats along with the actors.

At the end of the performance, the head of the church thanks the actors for coming. He explains his reluctance when he was first approached because the church had never hosted an event like this, but he expresses his joy that the entire congregation stayed and that even the kids from Sunday school got to watch this play; for, the play’s message is fitting for the setting. God does not discriminate.

An indisputable impact

Fiona Buffini mentored partner organization YWCA as part of MRG’s Street Theatre Project in Rwanda. The programme uses performance to challenge commonly held racist attitudes and negative stereotypes about minorities and indigenous peoples. These are some of the testimonies from the people who took part in the performances.

Discrimination against Batwa people in Rwanda runs deep.

‘As historically marginalized communities, sometimes we feel loneliness and as if we are isolated somehow from the rest of the population, we feel there is no future, other community members do not even accept to interact with us.’

The Street Theatre project aimed to tackle these problems head on. In the aftermath of the performances, the indisputable impact of the project can be felt by both the actors from the majority communities and the Batwa communities. For the actors from the majority communities, it gave a deeper understanding of some of the issues faced by the Batwa, and for the Batwa actors themselves, the impact of the project is clear.

‘This project, when it came, we were quite reluctant, but we said, ‘OK, let’s just go there.’

This spontaneous decision has, in the end, left the actors feeling ‘lucky somehow, we see that people are reaching out to us. And myself, personally, I feel that I am valued somehow, and I feel also that I am ready to contribute to the social wellbeing of other people.’

With a diverse group of actors ranging from famous Rwandan actors to members of the Batwa community, working together was a real novelty.

‘We were also suspicious about the others [actors] in the beginning, but in time saw them – they were very open, really friendly.’

Following the project the actors “really feel free to interact with people” and feel the project has given them “a step forward” as well as useful skills for the future.

‘I have even gained enough self-confidence to feel I can be a good actor.’

The message from the performances is hoped ‘to bring about change in the way people think about our people. Our worries, our preoccupations have been heard and they are somehow given a room for expression.’ The projects are ‘channelling our voice,’ and ‘speaking on our behalf in such a way that even the authorities will come to handle some of the issues that we have. [We feel] that our problems have been pointed out this time.’

Education against hate

Claudia Santoro, MRG’s Communications intern, continues her series of blogs on discrimination against Roma in Europe and looks this time at initiatives to reverse the worrying trend of increased hostility and hate speech towards the region’s largest minority.

Hate speech used in the mayor of Milan’s electoral campaign was back in the news last week when the Council of Europe published Commissioner Thomas Hammarberg’s report about his visit to Italy.

He expressed his concern about ‘anti-Roma political discourse’, which ‘perpetuates anti-Gypsyism’ and recognised the need for political parties to establish a system of self-regulation to avoid racist behaviour. Among the interesting observations contained in the report, I strongly agree with the need to disseminate unbiased information about Roma, both to be used by journalists as background information for reporting on these issues and also to balance inaccurate coverage about Roma and Travellers, which enhances stereotypes and blocks integration with mainstream society.

Credit: Justice Directorate General of the European Commission

Unfortunately in many EU countries where an anti-Roma/Sinti discourse is present in both the media and political arenas, discrimination follows. In his report Commissioner Hammarberg recalls examples of authorities using hate speech towards minorities in Hungary, Czech Republic, Denmark and France and warns that it ‘should not be underestimated’. It can encourage violence; in the Czech Republic for instance, following the Nový Bydžov Mayor’s public statements on Roma, extremist groups attacked a demonstration of Roma communities.

In the UK, the recent events at Dale Farm, led Janet Burden, the Rabbi of the West Central Liberal Synagogue & Ealing Liberal Synagogue, to compare the current persecution of Roma, Gypsies and Irish Travellers with the discrimination ‘Jews faced in the first half of the 20th century’ and, as reported in a recent Guardian article, she also drew attention to the fact that  the language used about Roma ‘clearly echoes rhetoric of anti-Semitism’.

As Commissioner Hammarberg stated in his speech delivered at the Summit of Mayors on Roma, both media professionals and politicians ‘should avoid using stigmatising speech against the Roma and should not feed the age-old prejudices against this minority. Sweeping generalisations about Roma and Travellers, in particular concerning their involvement in crime, feed the false stereotypes’.

I think that the need to involve Roma representatives in mainstream societies’ public activities is the most powerful way to actively promote a conscientious approach towards this minority. Surely this must also include the recruitment of journalists with Roma and other ethnic backgrounds in order to contribute to a more diverse, higher standard of journalism?

Credit: Decade of Roma Inclusion

The Decade of Roma Inclusion 2005–2015, aims to improve Roma’s social inclusion through targeted projects such as the Roma Education Fund, which will develop educational opportunities for Roma communities. The guide ‘Beyond Rhetoric’ includes recommendations to the European Commission based on the experience of the Open Society Foundations as well as country-specific recommendations from independent experts.

Finally, Colorful but Colorblind is a project aimed at remedying anti-Roma stereotyping through the creative use of multimedia in European Union new member states in Central and Eastern Europe. It represents one of the many significant projects necessary to generate change which benefits culture and knowledge.

These initiatives turn words into actions: the creation of opportunities rather than discriminatory rhetoric is a path to create a conscious society. Skilled young Roma can help to eradicate stereotypes, but also mainstream society has to play a role in this integration process. Are we ready to end discrimination?

A visit to embattled Dale Farm

Marcin Derkacz, MRG Legal Cases intern, paid a visit to Dale Farm in Essex, UK, to show support and see for himself how Irish Traveller residents were bearing up under the threat of imminent eviction from their homes

 

It seems to be a never-ending story. A real, fascinating, gripping rollercoaster of a ride. However, for its main actors – the residents of Dale Farm – this story is a nightmare. Living under constant threat of being cut off from their water and electricity supplies, watching bailiffs getting their heavy machinery ready in preparation for an eviction, being harassed by the local Council and last but not least, living in the media spotlight, has been the everyday life of these residents who, in spite of all adversities, decided to stay at Dale Farm – a place they have called home for many years. 

I had a chance to visit Dale Farm a few weeks ago – just before lawyers for the Travellers obtained a High Court injunction preventing bailiffs moving in while the courts were asked to rule on several areas of contention. The Traveller site reminded me of a village under siege in a war zone: a helicopter hanging over the site, massive, reinforced gates at the entrance, an army of bailiffs stationed just next to the farm, TV crews waiting for sensational developments. A sense of apprehension and anxiety could be felt in the air.

After being held at the gate for over an hour by a bunch of kids, I was permitted to enter the site. The camp looked deserted at first; however I was told that many of the residents had moved their best caravans to Stockwood Park, a large public park on the outskirts of the nearby town of Basildon.

All the people I spoke to declared they would fight for Dale Farm, however, their morale was obviously shaken. “We are people stripped of our basic rights; we are deprived of land which we legally occupy. We want to stay but we don’t know what tomorrow will bring” a red-haired woman in a green raincoat told me. “But God is with us – he sent rain to put off the bailiffs from taking any action”. Indeed, it was in fact raining, although I suspect the bailiffs were probably put off by unresolved legal issues rather than the rain.

The residents of the former scrap-yard were preparing for the worst. There were at least three barricades blocking the main roads to the site, erected by activists who had come to Dale Farm a few days before in order to support the Travellers and try to prevent the eviction. Their role should not be overlooked or underestimated – they spent their own time and money in order to support Dale Farm and give its residents hope for a better tomorrow.

Children face upheavals in schooling and access to health services if evicted. Credit: Marcin Derkacz

Despite the evictions and uncertainty, Dale Farm looked surprisingly well-organized. I met a few women sweeping their porches and pottering around their caravans. “We want to live like human beings and the world should see that we are not animals” said one, “We eat, we sleep and we have fun here. It is our place to live so we take care of it,” she continued.

It was hard to disagree. A small investment in Dale Farm could make this place even better and certainly the alleged £18 million which the Council plan to spend on the forced eviction seems to me to be preposterous and absurd. If the worst came to the worst and the Travellers have to leave, this money could be better used to fund developments that would allow the residents at risk to move voluntarily and peacefully to culturally adequate new locations. This solution is dictated by logic and simple good will; however it seems that both are the Achilles’ heel of Basildon Council and its leader Tony Ball.

I left the site in a gloomy mood. Irrespective of the final result there will be no winners at Dale Farm. Traveller life has already been disrupted and it is never going to be the same. Despite the economic crisis, millions of pounds are going to be wasted and the Council is going to lose its credibility and be stigmatised as a heartless violator of human rights. It seems that something went wrong at the initial stage of the negotiation process and every further decision worsens the situation. Unreasonable stubbornness, lack of good will and an inability to reach a compromise have been the main culprits of the conflict. And everyone is a victim here.

Keep on walking

Zulema Cardenas, MRG’s Street Theatre Project Coordinator, is in the Dominican Republic to catch performances of an innovative new theatre piece designed to challenge racism in the Caribbean country

I’m in the Dominican Republic visiting MUDHA (Dominico-Haitian Women’s Association, MRG’s partner in the country) as they perform theatre around the streets of Santo Domingo to challenge discrimination against Haitians and Haitian descendants. I’m with a team of great artists and fantastic professional and non-professional actors from the majority and minority groups in the country.

“We will keep on walking no matter what!”

That’s Baniris final statement after talking about the stateless situation of Haitian descendants in the Dominican Republic. Baniris is one of the young actresses taking part in MRG’s Street Theatre Project. Today she is performing together with other Haitian descendants from the bateyes and some professional actors from Santo Domingo University. It’s a somewhat sad and ironic moment since Baniris hasn’t been admitted to university due to her lack of Dominican citizenship (despite having being born here and a having a brilliant student record). The authorities consider her a person “in transit” from Haiti, as well as her wider family, after 50 years of working and living in the Dominican Republic…

Baniris is finally at the university denouncing this situation and her father is watching her performance. An audience of around 300 people are with him, laughing and nodding in agreement with its sentiments. Afterwards the public is asked to debate the situation portrayed in the play. Many of them are eager to express their disagreement with the current situation and their experiences of discrimination within the country. They tell us that Haitian descendents, and even Dominicans with African ancestors, are discriminated against in daily life and are frequently denied basic rights such as education, access to the health system and participation in decision-making processes.

Back at MUDHA’s headquarters the actors talk about what they’ve gained from participating in this project. The professional actors talk about a great learning and life experience because of meeting the youngsters and communities from the bateyes. On the other hand the young people from the bateyes express that they feel they now are worth listening to and are more able to speak up about their situation in front of thousands of people.

One of the young men says, “I now feel I can talk to everybody as an equal, even if this person is from the city or if they are white person. And I feel I really have the right to complain.” Then Baniris says, “I think this project is helping us to keep on walking, we have learned a lot and developed our skills. All this might be an alternative to our lives in the bateyes. I feel we can succeed.”

All dressed up in India

MRG’s Gender Programme Coordinator, Kathryn Ramsay, is in Madhya Pradesh at a training with inspiring Dalit women leaders from north India

 

I’m standing in a hotel room surrounded by nine laughing Dalit women who are wrapping a sari around me. I feel like I’m a doll being dressed up! As they tuck and pin the 5 meters of material around me, I wonder how long it takes sari-wearing women to get dressed every morning. Apparently not as long as it’s taking them to dress me – maybe because they’re taking photos of every step of the process!

I’m in India (in Pachmarhi, a small hill station in Madhya Pradesh) for a four-day training programme for Dalit women leaders. The last time I came to India, I met most of the 24 women from 8 different Indian States at a regional conference held by MRG’s partner Navsarjan, where we discussed their training needs and planned a programme to equip them with leadership skills and opportunities to put those skills into practice to benefit other Dalit women. Navsarjan has begun that programme and is running a series of training events for the group over the next 10 months.

They are an inspiring group of women. Many have experienced domestic violence; one is taking a case of attempted murder against her husband. All have been put under pressure to stop their work as activists, either by the dominant castes in the community or by their own families. But all of them are determined to continue their work, and, through the trainings, improve their skills to become more effective in helping other Dalit women.

Today was the last day of the training. Over four days we have focused on human rights and gender equality, the Indian Constitution, Penal Code and the Prevention of Atrocities Act (an act which specifically outlaws caste based discrimination and violence and provides increased punishment for crimes committed because of caste). Most of the women are already supporting others in taking up cases of violence against Dalit women and they were totally absorbed in the topics. One of them commented, ‘We’ve had other trainings, why didn’t anyone tell us this information before?’

The intricacies of how to register a criminal case with the police and the investigation process which should then be followed (but is frequently not) were presented by one of Navsarjan’s most experienced lawyers. The material was explained using a case invented by the participants – a fight between four of them in the hotel dining room resulting in a death, with plates, sandals, handbags and a water bottle as the weapons used! I don’t think any class of university law students either studied so hard or laughed so much while learning the same material.

Finally the sari is pleated, tucked and pinned to their satisfaction. One gives me her necklace to wear, another sticks a bindi on my forehead and I’m ready to be taken downstairs and showed off to the others!

After many more photos, several participants want me to go dancing in the tiny hotel disco which is pumping out Indian pop music at a decibel level I think would probably be illegal in a London nightclub. We all had a great time dancing there on the night we arrived (something they would never do at home) but this time I have to say no since I think if I try to dance in a sari, I may break my ankle, or at least fall in a very ungraceful heap in the middle of the dance floor!

Tomorrow there are a few hours free for visiting the area around Pachmarhi (a first visit for all of us) and then everyone leaves for long train rides back to their home states. I feel privileged to have shared this time with these women. I’m humbled by the challenges they face and determined to raise the money we need for the rest of the programme. I’ll also be taking away some of the ideas gained from the women’s experience which might transfer to some of the other communities MRG works with. I now have a few days off and I’m heading back down to the sweltering heat of the plains (around 43 degrees Centigrade) to a national park in the hope of seeing one of India’s rarest animals, the tiger.